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Going public

Public attitudes to science and research

Do we know what the public thinks about science? Is there an anti-science culture in the UK? Ian Jones, Editor of Wellcome News, sheds light on a multitude of surveys and reports that have begun to create a clearer picture of public attitudes.

The growth of the public understanding industry was driven by a belief that the public needed to know more about contemporary science. The shift towards public engagement models has placed more emphasis on the recipients - not as passive consumers but as individuals with opinions and beliefs that are worth hearing and understanding.

As well as surveys looking at public attitudes to specific issues - cloning, use of animals, GM crops - attempts have been made to take the temperature of public opinion in wider contexts. How does the public view science and scientists? What does it see as the key issues? Where do its concerns lie?

The past 15 years have seen a steady stream of reports and surveys assessing and analysing public perceptions of science, scientists and technology. August bodies have made sonorous pronouncements on who thinks what and why; banks of telephonists have gathered gainful employment ringing carefully selected cross-sections of the public to find out whether they approve or disapprove of this or other aspects of science; the fortunate few have been treated to coffee, biscuits and a detailed examination of their views in focus groups. The result is a significant body of evidence on public opinions of science (see box below).

Are there consistent messages emerging from these often weighty tomes? Are we any the wiser? And how do they help us move forward in public engagement?

Pro and anti

At first sight, some of the messages appear anomalous. Science and Society, from the House of Lords Select Committee on Science and Technology, warns of a perceived ‘crisis of confidence’ in science and a ‘crisis of trust’. Yet Science and the Public, a MORI poll on behalf of the Office of Science and Technology and the Wellcome Trust, finds people holding essentially favourable views of science. Three-quarters are ‘amazed’ by the achievements of science. The common ground is the public’s concern with the regulation of science and its application, with the public in general having little knowledge or faith in the UK’s regulatory framework. This lack of faith is exacerbated by the perceived rapid pace of change, with a significant minority (36 per cent) believing that science and technology are developing out of control.

The evidence also suggests that scientists are not mistrusted or undervalued, but are stereotyped. Perceptions still revolve around the other-worldy, occasionally mad professor, wedded to a lab coat and the laboratory - most graphically illustrated when school children are asked to draw scientists. Yet a MORI survey for the Cancer Research Campaign and Imperial Cancer Research Fund (which have now merged to become Cancer Research UK) found that the public had great admiration for scientists - Marie Curie and Albert Einstein were considered more inspiring than Victoria and David Beckham, respectively - but few could imagine actually becoming one.

Do the public trust scientists? The evidence is mixed, but far from gloomy. A MORI poll found that scientists were reasonably well trusted (65 per cent of respondents trusted them to tell the truth). Levels of trust are not as high as for doctors, but are higher than for civil servants or the man/woman in the street, and considerably greater than for politicians. ‘Independence’ is highly valued, with scientists associated with government or industry tending to fare less well. And according to Science and the Public, 84 per cent of people think that scientists and engineers make a valuable contribution to society.

Interestingly, surveys of scientists suggest that researchers (at least those of a biomedical persuasion) are actually more pessimistic than the evidence warrants. A survey carried out by MORI on behalf of the Wellcome Trust found that researchers significantly underestimated levels of public trust and held erroneous views on the trust placed in other sources of information - the media are much less trusted than scientists believe. However, while they considered the public to have more negative perceptions of scientists than is actually the case, their self-perceptions were nevertheless significantly more positive than those of the public.

Crisis? What crisis?

So is there a crisis of confidence in science? Anecdotally some may feel there is, but the situation is more complex than that. Science is seen as a positive force and there is no evidence that trust is declining.

Perhaps science is simply experiencing what many other forms of authority have experienced in the past 50 years - an increasingly well-educated, empowered, consumerist populace more willing to question figures of authority and with more platforms on which to do the questioning.

The public may now act with more scepticism than in previous times and, with governments exquisitely sensitive to nuances of ‘public opinion’, may be more aware of their ability to wield influence. Moreover, the growth of a less deferential, questioning population has coincided with the emergence of a host of issues where public impact has collided with scientific uncertainty, leading to a good many questions to be asked: would pig organs transplants be safe? What is the risk of a vCJD epidemic? Are mobile phones safe?

It is difficult to argue that science should be exempt from these democratising principles, particularly as so much science is funded by the public and is carried out, in theory, for the public good. As the House of Lords Select Committee put it, "In modern democratic conditions, science like any other player in the public arena ignores public attitudes and values at its peril. Our call for increased and integrated dialogue with the public is intended to secure science's ‘licence to practise’, not to restrict it."

So if we are not to ignore public opinion, how do we go about capturing it in the future? What may now be facing us is a greater sense of complexity. Bundling everyone together as ‘the public’ combines any number of communities with varying needs, expectations, aspirations, attitudes and opinions; Science and the Public made a first attempt to break down respondents according to views and patterns of behaviour, but undoubtedly other approaches could be taken. And science itself is a far from homogeneous concept - encompassing facts, uncertainties, regulation, methodologies - and raises ethical issues with few simple answers.

Perhaps now we need to look more closely at what opinions are captured, from whom, on what, and how that information is used. This may be the challenge for the next 15 years - and, very probably, beyond.

Landmark surveys and reports
1985: The Bodmer Report: The public understanding of science: report of a Royal Society ad hoc group endorsed by the Council of the Royal Society.
Initiated the ‘public understanding of science’ movement. Called for scientists to devote more energy to public communication. Led to the creation of COPUS, the Committee on the Public Understanding of Science.
1995: The Wolfendale Report: Report of the committee to review the contribution of scientists and engineers to the public understanding of science, engineering and technology (Office of Science and Technology; OST).
Audited current activities and recommended ways to encourage greater communication by scientists.
1999: The Public Consultation on Developments in the Biosciences: A MORI report investigating public attitudes to developments in the biological sciences and their oversight (MORI for OST).
Quantitative and qualitative survey to identify key topics impinging on the public radar and issues of concern. Regulation not well understood but considered essential.
2000: Science and Society (House of Lords Select Committee on Science and Technology)
Focused on ‘crisis of trust’ and need to build stronger links between scientists and other communities through greater openness and dialogue.
2000: Science and the Public: A review of science communication and public attitudes to science in Britain (a joint report by the Office of Science and Technology and the Wellcome Trust).
Identified generally positive attitudes, but concerns about regulation. Began to identify subgroups holding particular combinations of opinions.
2001: The Role of Scientists in Public Debate (conducted by MORI for the Wellcome Trust).
Found scientists keen to engage but facing several disincentives.
2001: Eurobarometer: ‘Europeans, science and technology’ (European Commission).
Survey of opinions across Europe, also conducted in 1992 and 1997. Recorded favourable attitudes to science but concern about regulation. Public feel poorly informed. Levels of scientific literacy static.
2001: Public Opinion of Doctors (MORI on behalf of BMA).
Reasonable levels of trust for scientists, fairly static over the preceding four years. Higher levels of trust among young people. ‘Professors’ fare even better.
2001: Open channels: Public dialogue in science and technology (Parliamentary Office on Science and Technology).
A review of recent developments on public dialogue in science and technology.
2001: MORI poll for CRC/ICRF
Marie Curie and Albert Einstein more inspiring than the Beckhams, but few feel that science is for them.
2002: MORI survey for Royal Society’s National Forum on Science
Biological weapons top the poll of public concerns, followed by global warming and GM organisms. Cloning hardly registers.
This is necessarily an abbreviated list, concentrating on the UK. Further details of these reports and surveys, those reflecting opinions outside the UK and those focused on particular issues, plus other useful documents in the public engagement with science area, can be found on the psci-com website (see below for link). This is a web gateway to high-quality Internet resources on public engagement with science that has been developed by the Wellcome Trust’s Information Service.

See also

External links

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